Exiled Belarusian opposition figure on how ex-cops are helping to combat dictatorship

Editor’s Note: In February, Aliaksandr Azarau was convicted in absentia by a Minsk court to 25 years in prison for his role in creating BYPOL, a group of former law enforcement officers who support Belarusian opposition politicians.

Azarau, who moved to Poland in 2020 shortly after challenging the official results of Belarus’ presidential election, in which incumbent Alexander Lukashenko claimed to win more than 80% of the vote, said the organization has had to go great lengths to evade the regime.

“Nobody knows the location of our office, and nobody knows our employees except for those who are public. We use all modern methods of information protection and observe precautionary measures,” he said in a recent interview.

Azarau is part of a broad web of opposition figures in Belarus, which includes politicians working with world leaders and tech giants to resist dictatorship, as well as hacktivists collectives that use less traditional tactics to discredit Lukashenko and his allies. The groups don’t always get along: Some opposition figures have criticized Azarau’s previous law enforcement role, and suggested that he still has a relationship with the Belarusian state security services.

Azarau spoke at length about the accusations, evading the Lukashenko regime, and garnering international support in a recent interview conducted by Heorhii Hryshyn, an analyst team lead with Recorded Future’s Payment Fraud Intelligence team. It was translated to English with the help of several analysts, and has been lightly edited for space and clarity.

Recorded Future News: What prompted you to leave the Belarusian police and oppose the regime? 

Aliaksandr Azarau: I served in the police for more than 21 years, starting as an investigator and ending as a teacher at the police academy. Even before my service, I attended Belarusian opposition protests, spoke Belarusian at school, and wore BChB symbolism. However, at 18, it was time to choose: either join the army or the police. I chose the police, but it wasn't quite the police at that time — the Investigative Committee was part of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and there were rumors that it would soon become independent, so I decided to go into the investigation division. 

Throughout my service, I of course understood that Aleksandr Lukashenko always rigged elections, but I had never personally witnessed it, so it didn't impact me emotionally. Since I considered myself part of the Belarusian opposition and knew many internal processes, I understood that they would not be able to change the government. Lukashenko physically eliminated opposition leaders in the late 1990s, only Zyanon Paznyak managed to escape to the US. Without leaders, the opposition was very weak, Lukashenko constantly discredited the opposition in the eyes of ordinary people. To emphasize: I went to serve in the police not for Lukashenko, but for the Belarusian people. I faithfully performed my duty, helped people, and brought criminals to justice. 

On August 9, 2020, I was at a polling station as a police officer responsible for maintaining public order. During the voting, I saw that the vast majority voted for Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, which was also confirmed by the election commission members. However, after the votes were counted, it turned out that Lukashenko won with 80%, which was a clear falsification. The chairman of the election commission confirmed that they did not count the votes, they wrote down the numbers that were told to them from above. Such results outraged people, and they took to the streets. Then the beatings of protesters began, torture in detention places, illegal orders to use force and weapons. 

I, like many officers at that time, wrote a report to resign due to disagreement with the illegal seizure of power by Lukashenko. For me, he had lost legitimacy, and I could not serve in state bodies that he controlled. I also wanted to show other officers by example that they should act similarly. I wanted to help Belarusians get rid of Lukashenko, as I had extensive operational experience. In October 2020, I came to Poland and became one of the founders of the Association of Belarusian Security Forces (BYPOL). Our organization's main goal is to restore legality and order in Belarus, remove the dictatorial regime from power, and conduct new democratic elections for President and Parliament. 

Soon, as the most experienced law enforcement officer, I headed BYPOL. I called on other officers to join the organization, and by 2021 we had more than 600 people involved. Our ranks include representatives from all Belarusian law enforcement agencies: Ministry of Internal Affairs, Armed Forces, Presidential Security Service, Ministry of Emergency Situations, Customs Committee, Investigative Committee, Prosecutor's Office, Committee of Forensic Examinations, etc. 

RFN: How do you respond to criticisms and suspicions regarding your past role in GUBOPiK, especially from figures like Andrei Sannikov, as well as concerns from others about potential ties to Belarusian special services?

AA: Some figures of the Belarusian opposition, particularly Sannikov, Natalya Radina, and Dmitri Bondarenko, criticize me for my service in GUBOPiK, Ministry of Internal Affairs. But I have been sentenced in absentia by the Lukashenko regime to 25 years of imprisonment, all my property in Belarus has been confiscated, and I have been stripped of my rank and pension. These people criticize not only me but also everyone who entered the political arena in 2020. In fact, from their side, this is a struggle for resources. If previously all resources were received only by them, representatives of the old opposition, now resources are being shared by everyone.

In Poland, I live with my family: my wife and two daughters. Of course, it is difficult to live in another country without your own "corner" in a rented apartment. But the children have fully adapted, learned Polish, receive a European education, and have local friends.

My being abroad just gives me the opportunity to fight the Lukashenko regime, because in Belarus, being in prison, it would be impossible to fight. 

RFN: What is BYPOL’s relationship like with organizations like the Cyber Partisans? What kind of data do you receive from them, how do you ensure the ethical use of hacked data, and what security measures are made when handling sensitive information?

AA: In January 2021, we established contact with the Cyber Partisans community and since then have collaborated in various areas. Currently, we are working on verifying Belarusians. Many Belarusian organizations and representatives of government bodies in European Union countries approach us with requests to help verify the reliability or, conversely, find evidence of collaboration with the Lukashenko regime concerning specific Belarusian emigrants. We accomplish this using the Cyber Partisans' databases, as well as our own resources. 

We also advise the Cyber Partisans on matters within our expertise, utilizing the knowledge we gained during our service in the Belarusian security forces. In BYPOL, we have specialists who provide a high level of protection for personal data and confidential information. Currently, our specialists are developing a database that will include all the resources of the organization. We collaborate with Pavel Latushko's National Anti-Crisis Management to compile sanction lists of Belarusian officials and security forces personnel, which are subsequently transmitted to the governmental bodies of the European Union and the U.S.

RFN: Given the vast amount of digital evidence collected, how does BYPOL plan to use this data to support international legal efforts against the Lukashenko regime, such as potential cases in the International Criminal Court?

AA: Indeed, we have a database of evidence of crimes committed by the Lukashenko regime. Some of the information we have gathered ourselves, such as data from the servers of the Belarusian Ministry of Internal Affairs, while other information has been sent to us by citizens in the form of photos and video materials. We collaborate with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, to whom we have passed some of this information, which has been used to write two reports on the human rights situation in Belarus. We continue to collect evidence of crimes by the Lukashenko regime and plan to use it to produce a series of films about these crimes. Concurrently, our specialists are documenting and categorizing these crimes. We intend to subsequently submit this information to the International Criminal Court.

RFN: In February 2024, you and other BYPOL founders were convicted in absentia by the Minsk City Court, with you receiving a 25-year sentence on charges of inciting social enmity, preparing for a violent takeover of power, and creating an extremist group. Given the high risks associated with your activities, how does BYPOL ensure operational security, especially when handling sensitive information that could potentially endanger the lives of organization members?

AA: BYPOL is a closed organization; nobody knows the location of our office, and nobody knows our employees except for those who are public. We use all modern methods of information protection and observe precautionary measures. We have means of individual protection. Additionally, we are under the protection of Polish special services. There was information that in 2022, there was a plan in Belarus to deploy a group of saboteurs to Poland to capture me and transport me to Belarus for execution. However, during the planning process, it became clear that it was impossible to carry out the plan under the current conditions, and the plan was canceled.

RFN: Could you elaborate on the objectives and mechanisms of the "Pieramoha Plan"? How does this plan fit into BYPOL's broader strategy for changing the situation in Belarus, and what role do international supporters play in this context?

AA: The Pieramoha Plan was created in the spring of 2021 by BYPOL specialists and is designed for a mass mobilization of Belarusians to take to the streets under favorable conditions. We developed a Telegram bot, which approximately 200,000 Belarusians have subscribed to, supporting the plan. It is intended to send mass messages from the bot to Belarusians according to the category determined by their responses to questions about who is ready to actively engage on the streets, at workplaces, covertly, etc. Specific instructions have been prepared for each category. The Pieramoha Plan aims to restore legality and order in Belarus, and it is supported by the Unified Transitional Cabinet of Belarus and Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya. This Cabinet is to become the first transitional government after Lukashenko is removed from power, and its main task will be to maintain authority and conduct democratic elections. 

Currently, due to ongoing repressions, a mass emergence of Belarusians onto the streets is not anticipated, so the Plan has been revised and is now focused on creating underground cells of the national liberation movement in Belarus, which are currently only required to prepare and gather operationally significant information. Should favorable conditions arise, these cells are expected to be actively deployed as part of the plan. The main task now is to create as many of these cells as possible across Belarus. And importantly, the safety of Belarusians is paramount.

RFN: How crucial is international support for the Belarusian opposition, and what actions, in your opinion, should the international community take to be most effective?

AA: The international community supports the democratic forces of Belarus; this support is manifested in the international recognition of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya as the leader of the Belarusian people and financial support through international funds. Unfortunately, the international community does not support paramilitary initiatives, and in my view, it is impossible to change power in Belarus peacefully. Lukashenko has stated that he will not give up power voluntarily, and that he will be 'carried out of his office feet first,' in other words, he intends to rule until his death. 

The Lukashenko regime is maintained solely by force, by security forces that keep the dictator in power. The regime understands only force and will only negotiate with the opposition if it feels threatened by the loss of power. But he does not feel this threat. It is naive to think that Lukashenko would invite the opposition for talks. Why would he do that? He does not see a threat in an opposition that merely waits for negotiations. No sanctions will help to bring about talks. The example of North Korea confirms this.